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EUROCRIT takes as
its point of departure a novel approach to the study of critical
infrastructures, by reconstructing the long-term historical emergence
and evolution of these. It looks at the
expansion of infrastructures in Europe both through the
interconnection across national borders and through interconnections
of different kinds of infrastructures with one another. Those
connections created new forms of interdependencies and shared
vulnerabilities among nations in Europe. The project inquires how
actors of different kinds have interpreted such interdependencies and
vulnerabilities, and developed institutions for handling them.
This enables us to
contribute novel ideas both to historical studies of infrastructures
(adding the notion of vulnerability as well as a pan-European
perspective) and to more policy- and practice-oriented research on
critical infrastructures (adding the historical dimension).
EUROCRIT is a
Collaborative Research Project (CRP) within the EUROCORES programme
Inventing Europe, funded
through the European Science Foundation (ESF). For more information
see here or download the EUROCORE brochure (1.52 MB).
Project description
Winter, 1921. An extraordinary drought in Northern Italy
reduced hydro-electricity yields and threatened the industries in Italy’s
economic heartland. Swiss and French power companies came to the rescue: Swiss
hydroelectricity was exported to Italy, Switzerland interrupted its exports to
France, and French coal power stations now supplied power to Zurich and Geneva.
These emergency measures were only possible due to recent interconnections of the
French, Swiss and Italian power systems. The League of Nations used this
example to argue for further integration of electricity networks across
national borders, in particular in Europe.
Autumn, 2003. A severe storm caused a tree to tip over a
power line carrying Swiss electricity exports to Italy. The line break ignited
a chain reaction of power overloads in the Swiss, French and Italian power
systems. The French and Swiss cut their connections to Italy to reduce the risk
of blackouts at home. While Switzerland suffered local power breaks, the entire
Italian peninsula plunged into darkness in Italy's biggest blackout ever. The
Swiss, French and Italian power authorities blamed each-other, but the
international Union for the Coordination and Transmission of Electricity
concluded that the problem transcended the national level and that it resulted
from design choices made long ago, and which were out of touch with the current
use of the network. The system was designed with occasional cross border
emergency supply in mind, not the high level of power exchanges that
characterize the current era of liberalization.
These two anecdotes reveal a historical process in which
transnational infrastructures created new interdependencies between Europe’s
nations, and thereby also a new type of – transnational – vulnerabilities. The
anecdotes speak to current debates on ”critical infrastructures” in the EU and
in the US, partly triggered by terrorist attacks demonstrating the
vulnerability of infrastructures and society’s dependence on these. In a recent
EU Green Paper “On a European Programme for Critical Infrastructure Protection”
(November 2005) the concept is defined in the following way: “Critical infrastructures
include those physical resources, services, and information technology
facilities, networks, and infrastructure assets which, if disrupted or
destroyed, would have a serious impact on the health, safety, security or
economic well-being of citizens or the effective functioning of governments”
(European Commission 2004). Much effort is currently devoted in Europe (and on
the other side of the Atlantic) to finding ways and means to reduce the risks
of such disruptions, both intended and unintended. We welcome this debate
because it spotlights how infrastructures intertwine with political, social and
economic life. However, historical perspectives in the current debate seem to
be largely missing, and this, we argue, is a weakness.
The purpose of this project is to put the current discussion on critical
infrastructures in Europe in a historical and transnational perspective. It
takes as its point of departure the expansion of infrastructures in Europe both
through the interconnection across national borders and through
interconnections of different kinds of infrastructures with one another. We
will refer to the former type of interconnection as “horizontal” integration
and to the latter as “vertical” integration. The project will analyse how these
two kinds of infrastructural interconnections (i.e. horizontal and vertical)
have created new forms of interdependencies and shared vulnerabilities among
nations in Europe. It will inquire how actors of different kinds have
interpreted such interdependencies and vulnerabilities, and developed
institutions for handling them.
More specifically, there are five major research questions in this CRP:
1. How have interconnections of infrastructures across national borders
contributed to their growing intertwinement with economic and social activities
of various kinds in Europe?
2. What kinds of mutual dependencies and shared vulnerabilities have arisen
due to transnational interconnections of infrastructures, and how have these
been interpreted and negotiated?
3. What responses have actors developed to handle the transnational
vulnerabilities, such as new forms of governance (e.g. contracts, standards and
gentlemen’s agreements), new technical designs (e.g. converters and system
architectures with higher redundancies) and joint emergency procedures?
4. How have these processes and responses differed between regions and over
time, and how does this reflect the unity and diversity of Europe?
5. How can we better understand the characteristics and nature of “critical
infrastructures”, and what concepts and perspectives are most fruitful for
analysing them?
State of the art
This CRP addresses first and foremost two history of technology research
agendas that are currently en vogue:
The first is to transcend the national framing of historiography and to
engage in transnational (European) history. Transnational history has developed
into an important corrective to nation-focused modern/contemporary history; its
point is not to exclude national developments, but to inquire how the national
and international are linked (Therr 2003; Iriye 2004; Clavin 2005). For the
history of technology as a whole, this concern was adopted by the Tensions of
Europe programme (Schot, Misa and Oldenziel 2005). Infrastructure history
reflects this general development: until recently it overwhelmingly focused on
national and subnational developments (occasionally making cross-country
comparisons). Historians of technology (Van der Vleuten and Kaijser 2005, 2006;
www.tie-project.nl) and economic historians (Merger, Carreras and Giuntini 1994; Dienel 2004)
have started to inquire the development of transnational networks. This CRP
pushes this approach further: it not only investigates the emergence of
transnational European networks, but addresses above all a number of important
issues that relate more specifically to the evolving relations between
transnational infrastructures and the corresponding interdependencies and
vulnerabilities between peoples and countries in Europe.
The second research agenda is to combine the customary focus of explaining
the societal shaping of technological change with studies of the technological
shaping of economies and societies. The argument that technology’s societal
consequences can and should be investigated in non-technological-determinist
ways was made over a decade ago (Nye 1990; Fischer 1992; Misa 1994), but only
in recent years became broadly accepted as a research theme, and it is still
evolving (e.g. Coutard et al. 2005). This CRP explicitly aims to make a novel
step and inquire how the shaping of transnational network designs intertwined
with the emergence of transnational societal and economic interdependencies and
vulnerabilities, and inquires what kind of ‘Europe’ was shaped in these
processes.
We also build upon an older
agenda of Large Technical Systems (LTS) research. This tradition is rooted in
the work of the American historian Thomas Hughes in the 1980s, but was
developed conceptually and empirically since (for an extensive review and
references, see Van der Vleuten & Kaijser 2006, chapter 11). LTS research
takes infrastructural systems, not artefacts or machines, as its unit of historical
inquiry (Hughes 1983). It focuses on the sociotechnical nature of systems and
tries to explain the development of systems, and their functioning and
implications for societal stability and change. Avoiding weaknesses in the
original approach, current LTS research does not make a priori claims on
(centralized) management, but inquires systems characterized by centralized as
well as distributed control. Also, it does not regard system building as a
harmonious enterprise, but as characterized by negotiation and conflict; system
building is a multi-actor game (Coutard et al. 2005; Van der Vleuten and
Kaijser 2006). In this CRP we will go beyond the study of single systems and
focus on the vertical interconnection of infrastructural systems, a phenomenon
that has also been called “internetworking” (Edwards 1998).
Our CRP also relates to sociological studies of risk in sociotechnical
systems, a field in which Charles Perrow’s book Normal accidents (Perrow 1984,
new edition 1999) was a pioneering work. Perrow argued that certain
sociotechnical systems (like nuclear power plants) characterised by both a high
degree of complexity and a tight coupling between their constituent parts are
inherently risk prone. Even if the operators are very skilled they simply have
no chance to perceive and prevent all potential disastrous events that can
occur, and accidents thus become “normal” outcomes of these systems. Perrow has
also warned that safety devices meant to reduce the risk of errors can increase
overall complexity and coupling and thus result in systems that are more prone
to error than previously (Perrow 1994) However, the “normal accident”-approach
has been contested. Researchers, studying the same kind of systems as Perrow
did, have found that they are in fact often performing very safe, and have
tried to explain why (La Porte and Consolini 1991, Rochlin 1991). They have
introduced the concept of High Reliability Organizations, HRO, and have tried
to identify the characteristics of such organizations that successfully manage
complex, tightly coupled systems. Constant training of operators, redundancy in
daily operations, flexible organizations and many channels of direct
communication are some of the salient features of HROs. Thus while the “normal
accident theory” emphasizes structures the “high reliabaility” theory
emphasizes processes (Summerton and Berner, 2003). What is common for
researchers within both these approaches is that they study contemporary
systems and do not inquire how such systems and their vulnerabilities are the
outcome of long-term, historical processes.
Building and expanding on the above research strands, our CRP will develop
a novel approach, which furthers the recent interest in studying transnational
infrastructures and their societal consequences and connects it to sociological
risk studies of sociotechnical systems.
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